In turn, many Russian elites tend to paternalistically take for granted Armenia’s inclusion in Russia’s post-Soviet sphere of influence or, even more extreme, Armenia’s role as Russia’s geopolitical outpost in the South Caucasus. It would allow Russia to remain within the bounds of the paradox of power while still exerting influence in the country. Administrative and regulatory reform. Indeed, it can exploit the EEU’s need for greater legitimacy and credibility, stressing the importance of CEPA as an avenue for institutional engagement and cooperation. Armenia could become an exemplar within the EaP. More than 300 years ago Armenians made representations to Russia asking the tsars to send their armies south and drive out the Turks and Persians from Eastern Armenia. Within its current confines, Europe maintains relations with Armenia that are cordial but do not bestow the full energy Europe could muster. Legislative training. [5] Sergey Minasyan, “Multi-vectorism in the Foreign Policy of Post-Soviet Eurasian States,” Demokratizatsiya, 20, 3 (Summer 2012), 269. In this regard, only Europe can offer Armenia the necessary policy advice and patronage.

But one option for Moscow will be to revert to a more indirect and less visible approach, drawing on the structural leverage it enjoys in Armenia. In 2011-2013, these included S-300PMU-2 “Favorit” air-defense systems, “Smerch” multiple-launch rocket systems, T-90S main battle tanks, 2S19 “Msta-S” self-propelled artillery systems, and Mi-35M attack helicopters, as well as other types of arms systems, weaponry, and military equipment.

Not only had it lost its man in Karapetyan – however weak he proved to be – Pashinyan was known to the Kremlin only for his calls for Armenia to leave the EEU as an opposition member of parliament. After years of underfunding and neglect, such incentivised innovation policies, including preferential start-up taxes and access to venture capital, would help sustain the further development of the information technology sector and support accelerated entrepreneurship in this field. “One of them, I won’t name who, said ‘in the end geography wins,’ that if we think Russia can help we should ask Russia, they see that only Russia can help us. Putin is no fan of the Velvet Revolutions or of Pashinyan. Trade and economics will dominate any Armenian thinking about a new relationship with Russia. “We understand clearly that we are standing alone against dictatorships and terrorists. The limits of Moscow’s influence over Yerevan were evident in the development of Armenian-Georgian relations after the 2008 Russia-Georgia war. Yet, in the broader context of Armenia’s rather weak position within the EEU market, in 2017, a meagre 0.7 percent of Armenia exports went to Belarus, while 0.1 percent went to Kazakhstan and virtually none of them went to Kyrgyzstan. The government and public wish to loosen ties with Russia, strengthen them with Europe, and improve relations with neighbouring countries, including Iran. as the war has progressed has been Russia. In turn, Armenia provides territory for a Russian military base deployment, contributing to the preservation of Russia’s presence in the South Caucasus.[4]. This ownership persists to this day, demonstrating the extent of Armenian dependence on Russia. The present moment represents its strongest opportunity in years to establish new, strengthened links – with Russia, as well as with Europe. To assist post-revolutionary Armenia in addressing these challenges, the EU should follow seven specific policy recommendations: Technical expertise. Russians, in turn, are increasingly annoyed at the nostalgic appeals of authorities and others to post-Soviet community. But the country now faces two main challenges, both of which have implications for its future relationship with Europe and Russia.

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